Iran War: Why the Boots on Iran's Ground Could Be Kurdish
As US and Israeli airstrikes continue, attention turns to the potential for ground forces in Iran. Discover why Iranian Kurdish opposition groups are preparing to cross the border, their demands, and the immense risks involved.

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Iran War: Why the Boots on Iran's Ground Could Be Kurdish
Mar 6, 2026
The Shifting Landscape: Could Kurdish Fighters Join the Iran Conflict?
As the aerial campaign by the US and Israel against targets in Iran enters its sixth day, a critical question looms: will ground troops become involved? While American boots on the ground remain off the table, a distinct possibility emerges from northern Iraq. Iranian Kurdish opposition groups, long-established exiles, are making it clear they have plans to cross the border. This raises a pivotal question for regional observers and policymakers alike:Iran war: Why the boots on Iran's ground could be Kurdish.
Decades of Preparation: Kurdish Groups Ready for Action
For decades, Iranian Kurdish factions have harbored aspirations of returning to their homeland. Groups like the Kurdistan Freedom Party (PAK), which boasts a significant armed force, affirm their readiness. Hana Yazdanpana, a representative from PAK, stated, "We have been preparing for this for the past 47 years, since the age of the Islamic Republic." However, these groups categorically deny any current infiltration into Iran. Yazdanpana insists, "not a single Peshmerga has moved," referring to the Kurdish term for 'those who face death'.
A recently formed coalition of six opposition groups underscores a unified front. "No-one moves alone," Yazdanpana explained, highlighting their coordinated political and military strategy. This collective approach is crucial, as any advance would be a highly synchronized effort.
Crucial Conditions: The Need for Air Superiority and Support
Despite their readiness, Kurdish fighters are not rushing into battle. Their leaders emphasize the necessity of favorable conditions. "We can't move if the air above us is not cleaned," Yazdanpana asserted, stressing the overwhelming power of the Iranian regime. A primary demand is the destruction of the regime’s weapon depots, a strategic move to level the playing field. Without such preparation, an advance would be "suicidal," given their relatively limited arsenal, primarily consisting of Kalashnikovs.
A key request from these groups, repeatedly communicated to Washington, is the imposition of a no-fly zone to protect their forces. Yazdanpana personally conveyed the urgency, sending emails emphasizing, "we need it urgently."
The US Role and the Shadow of Past Betrayals
The White House has denied reports of President Donald Trump considering arming the Kurds, many of whom were previously trained by US forces to combat ISIS in Iraq. Yet, as discussions about a potential Kurdish advance intensify, so too do Tehran's retaliatory strikes. Recent ballistic missile attacks on Kurdish bases, including one on a PAK outpost that claimed a fighter's life, demonstrate the heightened stakes. In response, some groups have relocated their forces to protect them from further aggression.
For the Kurds, the decision to join the fight against the Iranian regime is fraught with immense risk. Their history, marked by persecution and betrayal, casts a long shadow. As the poignant Kurdish saying goes, "we have no friends but the mountains." Many Kurds in Syria, who were staunch US allies against ISIS, felt abandoned when Trump sided with the Damascus government against them. This deep-seated skepticism raises concerns about the reliability of any promises made by the US.
Pragmatism Amidst Deep-Seated Hopes
Despite historical grievances, some senior Iranian Kurdish leaders adopt a pragmatic stance. Mustafa Mauludi, vice-president of the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI), acknowledges, "America and Israel did not begin this war for our hopes, but for their own interests." However, he recognizes that the targeting of Islamic Revolution Guard Corps (IRGC) bases aligns with Kurdish objectives, potentially paving the way for their return. At 67, Mauludi has dedicated most of his life to witnessing the fall of the Islamic regime, his family’s painful history—including a cousin killed at 13 and another imprisoned for 31 years—a stark reminder of the regime's brutality.
Mauludi vividly imagines his return: "When I get to the first village... I will say with a loud voice: 'I have been fighting for you, you are my people, and now I will fight even more.'" He hopes to celebrate the Kurdish new year festival, Nowruz, on March 21st, back on home soil.
Calls for International Support and Regional Dilemmas
The Kurds, representing about 10% of Iran's 90 million population, are politically organized and see this moment as a critical opportunity for change. Abdullah Mohtadi, secretary general of the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan, urges the international community to back both Trump's actions and the Kurdish cause, asserting, "we won't let this opportunity be wasted."
Mohtadi also voiced disappointment with the UK's position, criticizing its failure to register the IRGC as a terrorist organization and its "hesitation" regarding the use of British bases for strikes against Iran. While the exact number of troops the Kurds could muster remains unclear, estimates suggest several thousand, including some already within Iran.
For many Iranian Kurds, the time for action may be now, regardless of external assurances. "If we have the slightest hope of seeing our homeland, that is ok for us," shared a woman in Sulaymaniyah, near the Iranian border. The profound hatred for what they call "the Islamic regime of the executioner," responsible for countless deaths, fuels their desire for liberation.
This volatile situation places Iraq in a precarious position, fearing entanglement in a wider regional conflict. The Baghdad government has explicitly stated it will not permit groups to "infiltrate or cross the Iranian border to carry out terrorist acts from Iraqi territory."
Should Kurdish forces ultimately cross the border, it will be an emotionally charged moment for figures like PAK's Hana Yazdanpana. "Going back to my land will be very emotional," she reflected. "I don't know how to feel, happy or sad, because those who really deserve to see this day are gone." Their enduring hope, despite history's harsh lessons, drives their quest to be integral to Iran's future transformation.